Reinforce Community Norms and Principles

The performance of the final rites of each person's life also has an impact on that person's life in the afterlife.

To be included in the general worship list at the village temple on each occasion, that person must be a man who has undergone the initiation ceremony and performed the chau che to send his soul to heaven. This shows the great ritual ties between people and the community. Therefore, the rituals of the DQC people in Ba Vi are often organized on a large scale and have the participation of many members of the community. The rituals have created a context for the community to acknowledge the status of the individual.

3.1.2.2. Strengthening community norms and principles

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Rituals address the function, durability, and reproduction of social order. Durkheim (1915) saw in ritual a social source; it was formed through primitive people experiencing their role as members of society and feeling the “collective excitement” that maintained community cohesion. Like Malinowski, Radicliffe-Brown, and other functionalists, Durkheim recognized that rituals create a dramatic statement of the myths of society. In rituals people often act out their myths of social origin and swear the legitimacy of the established order to objects [90, pp.683-684].

Geoffrey P. Miller argues that “the general functions of ritual are clearly very similar to the functions of law. Law and ritual establish the relationship between individuals and the community, imposing on people mandatory and customary ways of behaving. Both ritual, law and moral rules control human behavior. Ritual controls human behavior by encouraging beneficial actions and discouraging harmful actions - That is the legal function of ritual” [73, p.120].

People always act according to social norms that have been reinforced over many generations because "we humans often only feel safe when we fully live in our roles, meaning we feel secure and safe within the rules and norms of social institutions, which no one dares and no one wants to go beyond."

Through the things that have been prescribed by society, no one wants to be criticized, blamed, condemned, or excluded from society.

Berger says: “Our lives are regulated not only by our contemporaries, but also by those who have passed away many generations ago; and the more years pass, the more the norms and regulations of our ancestors are trusted and revered than when they were first formulated. Or, to use a maxim of Fontenelle, the dead have more power than the living” [75].

Giving the example of a couple sitting under the moonlight confessing their love, in fact, the behaviors of both people are predetermined by society and are not “free” or spontaneous: from the boy holding the girl’s hand, to the boy’s confession and proposal, and the girl’s way of accepting the proposal. All of these behaviors and words are part of the rituals that society has prescribed and few people do otherwise. Berger believes that we often mistakenly think that we are free in our actions or decisions, but in fact we only get to choose between this person or that person to marry, while the entire procedure and rules have been pre-arranged - the rules of the game have been established long before we were born. We know that in different cultural environments the value systems and rules can be completely different: for example, in Arab society a man can have many wives, whereas in traditional Tibetan society a wife must have many husbands (p.90) [75].

For the DQC people in Ba Vi, the social norms and community principles are also quite clearly expressed. From birth, wedding, ordination to funeral ceremonies, all are performed according to certain rituals. These rituals are sometimes not explained by the current cultural subjects. However, it is like a truth that they are forced to follow.

The DQC people are influenced by Confucian ideology, so the role of individuals is blurred compared to the role of family, clan and community. The NLVĐ of the DQC people all aim to connect individuals to family, clan and community.

Individuals will not be recognized if they do not perform the prescribed ceremonies.

For the birth ceremony, the family must hold a ceremony to pay tribute to the ancestors when the child is born. This is not only to express gratitude but also to inform the ancestors that the family has a new member, which means that the child has been recognized as a member of the family, the lineage, protected by the ancestors, loved and cared for by everyone.

In the customs and wedding ceremonies of the DQC people in Ba Vi, the marriage of children is arranged by their parents. The standards of a good daughter-in-law or son-in-law are not simply the thoughts of the individual family, but society has created those standards and the parents of both families can only follow them. The standards of a good bride must be gentle, responsible, resourceful, have good morals, know how to behave with neighbors and especially know how to embroider and sew. The standards of a good son-in-law must be good at labor production, house building, understand customs and practices, have morality and not be addicted to alcohol. It is the agricultural production and the influence of Confucian thoughts that have created the standards of a good bride and son-in-law in DQC society.

DQC men and women in Ba Vi, Hanoi are free to get to know each other, but whether or not they get married is arranged by their parents. If a couple gets pregnant before they are officially recognized by the community, they will be punished by the village. In particular, marrying within the same family within 9 generations is unacceptable. Even if the couple gets pregnant, after being punished, they will never be allowed to marry. These strict regulations have created a solid foundation that binds individuals to the community.

In the initiation rite, the function of reinforcing community norms and principles is further demonstrated through the recognition of adulthood of a man as well as his wife. In the funeral rite, the performance of the rites

was destined not only to help the souls of the dead to be liberated and return to the world of ancestors but also to protect the living from bad luck.

Ms. TTT (71 years old, Hop Nhat village) whose husband passed away in 2013 said that after a while, her husband's spirit often appeared asking for food and drink. She went to see a fortune teller and was told that it was because the burial procedure was not done properly. Her family was so scared that they had to invite a shaman to perform the ceremony. After that, her husband's spirit never appeared again.

In funerals we see that rituals not only satisfy spiritual needs but also meet the needs of the individual's social status in the community. In some cases, the neighbors attend not only in a conventional sense but sometimes their attendance is symbolic, showing the status of the deceased and their descendants. That shows the social network of that person and their control of political, economic and moral power over the villagers.

All DQC people when asked affirmed that implementing the NLVĐ is very necessary. If not implemented, they are afraid of being punished by gods and ancestors, ridiculed by the villagers, and no one wants to have relations with their family.

Thus, through rituals, people realize their role as well as other members of the family and community. From there, each person will have ways of behaving in accordance with customs and social norms that have been prescribed by the community. Thanks to the sacred nature of rituals, it guides people to actions that society considers correct and prevents actions that society considers harmful.

Through the ritual, the role of each individual in the social community is clearly defined. They are aware of their responsibilities to their family and community. The wedding ceremony determines the role of husband, wife, daughter-in-law, son-in-law in the family. The coming-of-age ceremony is the role of an adult man, participating in the common work of the community.

The rituals also prescribe and guide each individual on how to perform their roles well. At the wedding reception hosted by the groom’s family for the bride’s family’s wedding procession, the bride and groom listen to the teachings of the elders in the family and community. These are necessary moral lessons for the young couple to start a new life in a new role. Next comes the ceremony of holding the chin, where both families instruct the bride and groom (mainly the bride’s family instructs the bride before leaving). These are words drawn from life experiences given to the young couple. Traditionally, the DQC people in Ba Vi get married early, so the couple does not know much about married life. Therefore, the teachings are a direction for them in their new life.

“As a new daughter-in-law in the family, I don't know how to behave with my parents-in-law and other family members, but after listening to the instructions of the elders, I can figure out what I should do” [LTV (female, 26 years old), Hop Nhat village].

During the initiation ceremony, the ritual of the holy master (say tia) leading the initiate into the forest is called mi chieu keng (to look for frogs) by the DQC people. At this time, the say tia will instruct the initiate on what should and should not be done and the role of the initiate in the community. These things must be deeply felt by the initiate and kept absolutely secret, even from relatives. In addition, the shamans also guide the initiate on how to dance, read books, use a stick, etc. These are the tasks that they will perform if they become a shaman in the future.

“Before receiving the ordination, I had no idea what I would have to do after receiving it. However, thanks to the guidance of the holy fathers, I know how I will have to change my life” [Mr. LVP (45 years old), Yen Son village].

The goals and roles defined for the recipient in the rituals are not something that everyone can fulfill in life. However, they have created social norms, motivating each individual to strive to improve themselves and achieve what they desire. Therefore, NLVĐ also has the effect of regulating and promoting social development.

The NLVĐ is created by the community, but it is also the community that motivates or hinders each individual in implementing the NLVĐ. It can be seen in the wedding ceremony of the DQC people in Ba Vi, a man and a woman cannot become husband and wife without the consent of the family, and more broadly, without meeting the standards of the community. A man cannot perform the coming-of-age ceremony if he does not have a wife or if before the coming-of-age ceremony he does things that are not in accordance with the regulations of the community. If a woman has performed the coming-of-age ceremony with her husband, when she marries another man, she cannot perform the coming-of-age ceremony and when she dies, her soul will return to her ex-husband. The dead cannot be worshiped together in the village temple if they have not performed the coming-of-age ceremony and the chau che ceremony, etc.

Thus, the NLVĐ of the DQC people in Ba Vi contributes to strengthening social norms and ethics, helping to maintain norms in life, creating an orderly society. When norms in society change, the NLVĐ changes and vice versa.

3.1.2.3. Demonstrating family status and strengthening social relationships

Through NLVĐ, we know whether the family is rich or poor, big or small, belongs to the powerful class or not,... With the same ritual, there are differences in the organization of each family. Rich families often tend to expand the ritual, inviting many people to attend, while poor families often organize it concisely and economically. Looking at the way a family organizes the ritual, we also know the behavior and feelings between family members as well as the community with that family.

The ceremony to pay respect to ancestors is an indispensable thing for every child after birth. However, if the family has the means, they will slaughter a pig to worship and treat relatives and neighbors. Poor families can replace the pig with 2 chickens or 1 duck.

The bride price also depends on the economic situation of both families. They believe that the high or low price also shows the value of the daughter.

The dowry that the bride's family gives her to bring to her husband's house also shows the status of the bride's family.

For the coming-of-age ceremony, families with means will hold the ceremony for their children early (possibly right after marriage) and often hold a grand ceremony, inviting many people to attend to share the joy with the family. On the contrary, due to family circumstances, many people cannot hold the coming-of-age ceremony until they die.

In a funeral ceremony, the composition of the visitors and the gifts they bring also indicate the social status of that family. The number of people coming to visit, pay their respects and offer condolences to the family shows the affection of the neighbors for the deceased and their family. If the person had many bad qualities when he was alive, and the family had a bad relationship with the neighbors, then very few people will come to the funeral to see him off.

Through rituals, personal events become common affairs of the community according to each group of relationships: family, clan, neighbors, friends, colleagues form a social network with quite strong relationships. It is a society according to the hierarchy system, classified into pairs of categories: big - small, old - young; there is a clear distinction between men - women, paternal - maternal, rich - poor, traditional and modern [73, p.128]. This is also reflected in the NLVĐ of the DQC people.

Looking at the paper flower decoration on the offering tray in the full month ceremony, we will know if the child is a boy or a girl. Mui te (the leader of the bride-taking procession to the groom's house) will indicate the girl's rank in the family. If the bride is the eldest child, Mui te is the elder brother or younger brother of the bride's mother. If the bride is the second child, Mui te is the eldest brother-in-law. If the bride is the third child, Mui te is a member of the paternal family. If the bride is the fourth or fifth child in the family, Mui te is the responsibility of the second and third brothers-in-law.

The wedding ceremony is not simply a union between a man and a woman, but also establishes a relationship between the two families and clans. Organizing a wedding ceremony for a family member cannot be handled by that family alone, but requires the help of relatives and neighbors.

The coming-of-age ceremony must be performed according to the hierarchy in the family and clan, from grandfather and father to son and grandson, and from elder brother and younger brother. The way of mourning also shows the relationship of that person to the deceased (see section 2.1.4). This order has been established by the community and everyone must comply.

Thus, the social function of the DQC people's NLVĐ in Ba Vi is expressed in many different aspects. The NLVĐ is the basis for recognizing the new role of an individual, contributing to binding the individual to certain standards and ethics prescribed by the community. It also reflects the new role and position of the individual in society. At the same time, through the NLVĐ, social relationships are also strengthened.

3.1.3. Cultural and educational functions

3.1.3.1. Cultural functions

The cultural function of the NLVĐ is to convey and strengthen the culture of the community. Through the performance of rituals, the cultural characteristics of the DQC people are expressed. The customs and rituals in childbirth, weddings, ordination ceremonies and funerals all clearly demonstrate this. All of these rituals have affirmed the beliefs, worldviews and outlooks on life of the DQC people in Ba Vi. The belief in animism tinged with Taoism is the main belief of the DQC people or ancestor worship is their most respected belief.

Regarding ancestor worship, we see that if the Kinh and some other ethnic groups only worship ancestors of 5 generations, the DQC people worship all ancestors in the family genealogy.

The DQC believe that, for the dead, they value the soul more than the body. Therefore, after completing all the procedures for the deceased, they almost never visit the burial place. Moreover, due to the nomadic custom, when moving, the graves of their ancestors are easily lost. Therefore, they only value worship and do not pay too much attention to the graves. The DQC do not make offerings to the dead, but when performing rituals, they must invite ancestors of all generations to attend. Mr. LVH (Yen Son village) said that according to the genealogy, his Ly family has passed through 16

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